2023-11-07 02:04:48
The official podcast of comedian Joe Rogan.
Joe Rogan podcast, check it out! The Joe Rogan Experience. Stream by day, Joe Rogan podcast by night, all day!
Hello, sir. Hello. Thanks for doing this, I really appreciate it.
You're quite welcome.
I really enjoyed you on the Meat Eater podcast, and that's why I reached out, and I started reading your, the book on the Nez Perce, and then I picked this up as well, Continental Reckoning, that is, that's a hell of a book. That's a big book. That's a big book. How long did it take you to write this?
The writing, probably 8 to 10 years, the research and so forth, more than 20 years, yeah. Wow. Yeah, a long time.
So this is a lifetime work. It is. Continental Reckoning, the American West in the Age of Expansion, one of the most fascinating subjects, I think, in the history of the human race. I mean, it is just such, it's such an amazing story, and such a tragic story, and such a crazy story, of the amount of change that took place over a relatively short period of time.
Yeah, 30 years.
Yeah, and how little most people really understand about the actual history of the Native Americans, and that. One of the things that was most fascinating about the Meat Eater podcast was that, at the time that Lewis and Clark had come to America, a hundred years before that, there had been Native Americans that had traveled to France.
That's right.
And met with the king.
That's right. Yep, yep, yep. That's right.
1720s, there was a group of Native people from Kansas, Missouri area, and they had been accorded by the French because the French wanted to expand their fur trade into that area, up the Missouri River.
And the Spanish had recently suffered a terrible military defeat there. in sort of, what's today, eastern Nebraska. So the French sent this guy named Etienne Beaumont to make contact. He already had contact there. In fact, he had a son by one of the women in the Missouri tribe.
Made contact, made some friends, made some allies, courted them. And then, to sort of seal the deal, he took back a delegation of about six Indians. Now, this is from eastern Nebraska.
Which tribe was this?
There were several tribes. The Missouri tribe, the Illinois tribe, I think some Osage. And he then took them back from there, down the Mississippi, down to New Orleans, and then over across the Atlantic to Le Havre. And then they went by coach from there to Paris. And they spent several months there in Paris, being fitted by King Louis XV, visiting the Paris Opera, which they said was a great place full of sorcerers.
Sorcerers. Sorcerers. Why did they describe it as sorcerers?
I think they figured these people were just sort of transformed in front of their eyes. They just became somebody else. They're great actors, of course. I think that was it. They saw this famous puppet show on a Putnam Bridge, and they said this place was inhabited by small dwarfs.
Wow. They loved it. They were taken to the Court of Fontainebleau.
They showed their expertise at hunting by riding bareback in the water below, the Royal Woods, naked and bareback, shooting pheasants. Had a great time. A woman who was, in fact, the woman who had born Bergman's child, she married a sergeant in Notre Dame. They had a wonderful time. And the men liked just about everything except the men, other men, the French men.
They said they were sort of effeminate and sissy, and they said they smelled like alligators. Alligators. Interesting. Yeah. But this was the 1720s, so that's what, 80 years or something before Lewis and Clark even made it out to that area.
That is so fascinating. Now, what was the language barrier? How did they communicate?
Well, Bergman himself had lived for years among the Indians, and was an expert on the Missouri River. So he was a Frenchman who came over, enlisted in the army, deserted, sort of, went native, became a courier de bois, a French mountain man, took up with the Indians, had this child by this woman. So he knew the languages quite well. And there were other, remember, these Indians, as you can tell in this story, were very cosmopolitan, very sophisticated. They knew English, or some of them did.
So I think the point to remember is that this, long before our image of Americans coming into this area, there was all sorts of contact between native peoples and Europeans, all sorts of exchanges. It was really a mixed world, a world that was far more complex, far more interesting, in my opinion, than the usual way that we remember it.
To put it into perspective, it's hard for us in 2023 to look back at this time period and really have a context for it. But to put it into perspective, so first, Europeans arrive here essentially in the 1400s, right?
Yes.
The very, very first.
Very first, very late 1400s.
So this is 200 plus years after that. That's right. So we're essentially talking about us thinking about the 1820s.
Yeah.
Right? That's right. So there was hundreds of years of Europeans slowly making their way across the continental United States.
That's right. Spanish coming up from the south, of course.
Cabeza de Vaca.
Cabeza de Vaca, 1520s. French coming in quite early up to what's today the northeast, eastern Canada. That had been going on, of course, a long time before the English began their very slow and timid expansion beyond the Appalachians.
It's interesting because if you ask the general public about the expansion, they seem to put it into the time period of the 1800s.
That's right.
But there was so much more going on, hundreds of years of that, which is hard for us to imagine. Again, it's like us thinking that the 1800s, like 1823,, was just yesterday. It wasn't. Right. It was a long time ago.
So there's hundreds of years.
Before that. Yeah. That's right. And that had been going on slowly. It was sort of a slow simmer of these cultures coming together.
So there are many ways in which the Indians were far more sophisticated and well-traveled, far-traveled, than the Americans who were coming in there. We think, you know, our national myth, has it that when Lewis and Clark, this is in, you know, 1848, 1866, Lewis and Clark make their way up the Missouri River into the West, that that's sort of the start of the history of the West. Before that. Right. Lewis's famous quote, as they left the Mandan villages in 1805, says we're heading up, he compared himself to Columbus.
They said we're heading into this place where the foot of civilized man has never trodden. Not true. Not true.
No. Well, to the best of their knowledge. Well, which is interesting, also, right? The amount of information that was available back then. It was so difficult to find out what was going on.
Well, sure. Just like today, you know, information is power. Right. And you don't want to let your imperial rivals know what's out there. You don't want them to know what you know.
Right. Right. So it's these sort of state secrets.
So, have you read the Cabeza de Baca book, A Strange, New Land? Yes, I have. A Land So Strange.
A Land So Strange by Andres Resendiz.
Which is a fascinating book, because they essentially document the spread of disease without meaning to do it. Because that is really where it all started from.
A lot of it did, yeah. It's a wonderful book, yeah.
It's an amazing book. And, you know, they talk about culture. They talk about the Mayas. And, you know, there's always been this confusion as to what happened to the Mayas. But it's probably the same exact thing that happened to 90-plus percent of the Native Americans that contacted smallpox.
Maybe. The Mayas declined a good bit before that. But who knows? It's very hard to say. But certainly disease was a very important factor in the conquest of Native peoples and in the conquest by Europeans of North America and South America.
Is it clearly established that Cabeza de Baca was one of the first Europeans to make it to the continental United States? Or was it possible that others had made it before that, but we don't have record of it?
He was the first of a movement to encounter what we know today as the Southwest. He was part of a shipwrecked expedition on the Texas coast. And he and a few others, including a black African slave, Esteban Stephen, they were the ones who made their way, first enslaved by the Indians. And then they gradually made their way across the Southwest up to, you know, what is today Arizona, like the Zunis, and then made their way southward, into Mexico.
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Fabulous journey. What a story.
It's an insane story. And if you look at the history of the human race across the planet, it's one of the most transformative stories in such a short amount of time where everything changed so rapidly, because it coincides with the Industrial Revolution and all these things happen. And then you have massive cities appearing in these places where there was nothing before.
Yeah. That's a bit later.
Yeah, but it's all over this period of a few hundred years, which is such a transformative time period.
That's right. If you think of it as sort of a – I think of it as kind of a curve of change or a graph, right? We've got to remember all kinds of changes up and down, up and down. Long before the Europeans came. The rise and fall of civilizations.
Fantastic stories about that. So there's that. But then the Europeans come into this area and that line just goes straight up. And it keeps accelerating. It keeps accelerating.
So it's important to remember that change has been going on for 15,000 years in what's today the United States. Interesting changes that I think people don't recognize nearly enough. And they ought to. They ought to. But the pace of that change accelerates at this really astonishing degree.
Well, they keep pushing back the date of modern humans in North America as well. It used to be Clovis first, and then the discovery of these 22,000-year-old footprints.
White sands, yeah.
Now they don't even know. I mean, maybe there's some stuff that we haven't found, that predates that considerably.
I suspect there is. That's one of these questions that we thought we had answered.
Right.
But as usual, we hadn't. And that question has been very vigorously argued recently. All sorts of new discoveries in places that we didn't know there were people before until fairly recently, like the Amazon. All of a sudden we are finding these sites in the Amazon. We have no idea who these people were.
They don't seem to be culture-related to others in South America. Where did they come from? Right. When did they get there?
Yeah, I've discussed this many times with Graham Hancock. And one of the things that he has brought up recently is the use of LIDAR. And through this use of LIDAR, they found these grids and what appears to be irrigation systems and streets and structures and foundations, and all of it unexplained. Yeah. And all of it was essentially covered by vast rainforest.
Right.
Yep. Until fairly recently. It's really only the last two or three generations that we've begun to even poke our way into that place. Right. To begin to feel this out.
Theodore Roosevelt's granddaughter, incidentally, was one of the key figures in investigating this.
Really?
An anthropologist, yeah.
She was? Really interesting. Do you think that with the Amazon, that we're looking at disease there as well? That it's probably European settlers came and—.
You mean to explain the—. I doubt that. You doubt it? Those ruins seem to go way, way, way back. I mean thousands of years before the Europeans show up.
So there's no explanation for the decline? Like maybe some other diseases or something like that? We don't know.
We don't know a whole lot about what diseases were here before the Europeans. Right. I don't know. I suspect, if you look at any civilization, it rises, peaks, collapses.
One of the more interesting things that we found was that, when you look at the rise of syphilis in Europe, that some are connecting at least some forms of syphilis to European settlers who had come to America and then gone back to Europe.
Yep.
And brought syphilis with them. Yep.
That too is being argued about right now. But right now the evidence is quite clear. We're talking about venereal syphilis now. Yeah. Syphilis can also be kind of a skin infection.
That was there before. But the first documented cases of syphilis, the last time I checked, a very suspicious time, a very suspicious place. It was in Spain in 1493..
Pretty close.
It seems circumstantially pretty clear that Columbus' folks brought that back. Another thing, it was also absolutely devastating, which suggests that this was a new disease. It was not one that we had begun to, you know, we'd been around for any length of time. Terrible effects,
fatal, you know, insanity, fatalities. So that seems pretty clear. There's also evidence of syphilitic bone damage among Native peoples going way back in North America. So I think it's pretty safe to say that.
Well, we've talked about it before on this show, but it's really interesting that that's the origin of the term bigwig. Really? Did you know about that? No. Okay, great.
I'm going to tell you something. Okay, great. So there was, see if you can find out who these French royals were, but there was these French royals who contacted syphilis. They started losing their hair. And so they started wearing these, they put these beautiful wigs on.
And the more money you had, the bigger your wig was. And it became, because the syphilis had just run rampant through this population. So many people were losing their hair, and they would get these holes in their faces, sores. It was really horrific. So these are the gentlemen.
Samuel, how do you say his name? Papise? How would you say that? Pepys. Pepys.
Yeah. So, at the time, hair loss was a one-way ticket to public embarrassment. Long hair was a trendy status symbol, and a bald dome could stain any reputation. Well, Samuel Pepys' brother acquired syphilis. The diarist wrote, if my brother lives, he will not be able to show his head, which would be a very great shame to me.
Hair was that big of a deal. And so the syphilis outbreak sparked a surge in wig-making. Victims hid their baldness as well as their bloody sores that scoured their faces with wigs made of horse, goat, or human hair. Peruks were also coated with powder, scented with lavender or orange to hide any funky aromas. Although common wigs were not exactly stylish, they were a shameful necessity.
That changed in 1655, when the king of France started losing his hair. And so these guys started wearing wigs, and everybody started wearing wigs. And the bigger your wig was, the more famous and rich and established you were. So the term, big wigs.
So you're a big wig.
Yeah, isn't that wild?
That's a wonderful story.
Because, I mean, I heard about that when I was a kid. Oh, he's a big wig. That had made it to the 1980s.
Yep, absolutely. I think you and I should look into this. No, I'm good.
I like being bald. Me too. It's comfortable. It's so easy. You don't have to talk to barbers.
Shave your head yourself. I enjoy it. That's me. And I have a good shaped head, so I'm lucky. Some people have some funky heads.
So you've got a good head too. Thank you so much.
So that is part of the story, is this exchange of disease and the lack of immunity, and how much of a devastating effect this had on the North Americans, who did encounter the Europeans.
That's right. That's right. And that's very well established now. Now we're coming to understand that in a more sophisticated way now.
For instance, it's not quite true that Indians had no immunity to it or that our immunity protected us when we went there. More typically, a case of these diseases, like smallpox, for example, if you got it as a child, it's like measles today, or mumps, or chicken pox. You know, you want your kids to get those because then they're immune. And later on, it's a much more devastating disease if you get it as an adult, as a grown-up.
Do we know why?
You know, I'm not at all sure. I think it's because when you're young like that, you can deal with it more effectively. I'm not sure. But it is a case, especially viruses like smallpox, you know, you then gain lifetime immunity. So what probably was going on was that smallpox was so common in Europe that the Europeans who came over here had likely had it when they were kids.
And so it wasn't that they had genetic immunity to it. Right. They had previous exposure. Right. Also, the fact that, especially later on, when time passes, the greater mortality rate among Indians was because of the general degeneration of their condition.
You know, just like when we see in COVID, you know, people who are the poorest, people who have the least medical care, people who are...they're the ones who are most vulnerable.
The oldest.
Yeah. Right.
Ones with comorbidities.
Yeah. But what's absolutely incontestable is that the effect of diseases on Indian peoples was absolutely catastrophic. And it goes a long way toward explaining how the Europeans were able to take control of the continent as quickly as they did.
Yeah. There's some estimations that 90% of the Native Americans died from disease.
That's right. Well, the population declined by as much as 90 or even 94%. Disease is an important factor. But think of it now.
If smallpox hits an Indian village, let's say, in the Dakotas,
it kills, unlike other diseases, smallpox is sort of democratic in the sense that it kills all ages. It kills the most productive. It kills the hunters. It kills the mothers who are nursing their children. So, these secondary effects of that kind of loss, what would happen if Austin, Texas, lost 40% of its people and the other 60% may survive, but not for long?
You know, the whole system, everything collapses. So, it's an absolutely devastating effect when you have those kinds of epidemics.
So, you have this kind of epidemic, and then you have this rush of human beings that have come over from Europe. And have they come over? What was the primary motivation for them coming over here? Was it to seek a better life? Was it gold mining, silver mining?
What was the first initial wave?
There are various answers, various answers. Keep in mind, these are all, initially at least, imperial enterprises. You know, it wasn't just Frenchmen coming over. It was the French government trying to establish an empire there that they could profit from. The Spanish, same thing.
Now, when the English came over, theirs was a combination of governmental ambition and a business enterprise. But, in any case, this was all being directed by others in Europe for their own ends. Not the ones who were coming over, but they were there, they were trying to do it for their own purposes.
Then, that raises the question, so, the ones who came over, why were they there? And I think that the most common answer is the one you suggested, better lives. You've got to remember, in Europe, especially a place like England, land was very scarce. So, the possibility of somebody being born into the peasantry or being born on the lower ranks, the possibility of them acquiring land was beyond remote. And then somebody says, okay, if you'll just go across the Atlantic, we'll give you land.
We'll give you a new start. And that's very seductive.
It's fascinating because that pessimism seems to still be prevalent in a lot of English people. This pessimism as far as your ability to improve your lifestyle. I have many English friends that have come over here and say the attitude in America is that you can go out and you can forge your own path, you can do things, but in England.
they're very dismissive of that.
Yeah, I think there's something to that. There is that sort of American spirit.
But the kind of people that would take that kind of chance to get on a boat and go across the ocean with no photographs to look at? I mean, what did they have, a sketch that someone, a story, a tale, a pile of gold that someone had brought back?
Well, they had accounts. They had lies being told to them.
A lot of lies.
A lot of lies.
What were the big lies?
The big lies? Oh, that you would prosper instantly. There was a very healthy place. You had a great place to raise a family, right? The usual ones.
But again, they were promoters. They were imperial promoters. They were private promoters. The first English colonies, Jamestown, and then Plymouth, and then Massachusetts Bay, those were all businesses. They were corporations.
It was like Walmart establishing a colony on the moon or something. So they're promoting it. They're trying to persuade people to go over there, to develop it, to raise tobacco, to give them their profits. Huge promotional scheme.
Yeah. Just the kind of human that did. that really sort of establishes the ethic of what it means to be an American, because these are wild, risk-taking people. And these are the people that essentially first established America, or, as far as Europeans. You have to be a wild person to take that kind of a chance.
It's a big chance. But of course, that's always balanced between what appears to be a dead-end life from where they were. All immigration is sort of a push and a pull.
Right. That's the motivation.
America had a great pull, but they're also being pushed.
It's also extraordinary that there was this enormous continent, far bigger than Europe, that was available, that you could go there and establish a new life to. I mean, what a marketing promotion.
Oh, yeah. Imagine it now. I'm retired now, but I used to tell my classes, imagine that suddenly the news hits that there is another universe that we didn't know was there. And number two, you could go there. You could actually go there.
Yeah. What an idea.
What a crazy idea. Yeah. My family came over here in the 1920s from both sides. And they came over from Europe with this idea that America was better than what was available in Italy and Ireland. And that was something that had already been really pretty well established.
Go 100 years earlier than that, 200 years earlier than that. These are incredible risks that these people took.
Yeah. Yeah. They were. And you have to sort of marvel at it.
Yeah.
At the same time, ask yourself, would you do that? I don't think so.
Yeah. We can look at it from that perspective, marvel at it. But, man, from the perspective of the natives that lived here, what a horrific invasion. And what a devastating effect it had on their way of life, their culture, and how much is missing from their cultural memory because of this devastation of 90% of their population. Yeah.
Yeah. Except for the Black Death, this was the most horrific thing that has ever happened in recorded human history to Indian peoples in the New World. Nothing remotely approaches it except the Black Death, except the bubonic plague.
And even then, when you consider it, when you track it over time, bubonic plague, of course, came in waves, occasional waves. If you look at this as one story over 400 years, it's by itself, nothing like it.
Well, it's not only by itself for human beings, but it's also by itself for native wildlife, which is another incredible aspect of this story of American expansion. I watched the Ken Burns documentary on the American buffalo. Buffalo, right. And you were in that as well. Yes.
As well as Steve Rinella. And that is a crazy story that no wildlife in this country can survive, being a commodity.
It might survive, but it's gonna have a real tough time. That's right.
Barely. Yeah. I mean, we had to put the brakes on it in order for it to survive.
And we were able to put the brakes on it because it was no longer profitable. As long as it's a profitable commodity, it's in real trouble.
But that also contributed to the demise of Native Americans. Of course. Particularly the ones who hunted the buffalo.
That's right. Not just the buffalo. Buffalo were just the most dramatic example of dozens, scores of species of animals in the New World, in North America, that were driven either to extension completely or really close to it. Dan Flores, I think he's been on your show.
Yes, a couple times.
Yeah. Dan has this marvelous new book, A Wild New World, that goes into that in some detail and describes it. As I remember from the book, Dan says that at no point in modern history have so many different species been eradicated so quickly.
So quickly.
Yeah. And, of course, you made the essential point. What that is, it's not just that they're being hunted and exploited for the profit of people who are coming into it. That's really part of an even larger process, that is, the complete transformation of a world. That's one of the things that I try to emphasize in this book.
Between 1850 and 1880,, the western third of North America was literally remade. Ecologically, not just culturally. Socially. Ecologically. Ecologically, it was made over into a new world.
And that world, of course, was not one that native peoples knew how to work. Their existence relied on them being able to rely on centuries of knowledge gained from this intricate understanding and use, sort of choreographed life of this place, relying upon its resources. Animals, also, plants, of course. Crops and so forth. And the Europeans come in and they just transform it.
Quickly.
Very quickly. Very quickly. So what are you going to do? That is what defeated the Indians. It wasn't the military.
It was this transformation of their world into another, from one world into another, in which they didn't fit. So they simply had no choice but to do what they were told. If you're going to live.
Now, when it comes to the American bison, there certainly was a market hunting aspect of it. That they were hunting them for their tongues. They were hunting them for their hides. But there was also, it seems like there was a motivation to remove the Native Americans' ability to sustain themselves. Or was that a, just a peripheral, was that like...
It's a little complicated. As usual. You're talking about two things here. When you're talking about the... I think it's fair to say that Indian peoples had their own hand in this.
Once. buffalo robes, that is, you take usually a cow hide and you process, you scrape it out and you work it. You work it into a robe. Those became quite popular in the East, in England, and in Europe. Sort of this exotic thing to have in your house, you know.
You put it on the wall, or you make it into a rug, or you use it as a... You're out in a carriage in the winter. You would have these things. It was something that was interesting. All of a sudden it was a fashion, kind of a fad.
And suddenly there was this great market for these things for Indian hunters, Native hunters. They've been killing bison, of course, for their own uses. But now, if they would do both that and for their hides, which they could turn into robes, which would give them this unprecedented affluence. It was this business boom among them.
And also warmth and the ability to sustain during winter.
Sure. Well, I mean, they had always used it for that. Now it was a commodity.
When did that shift and what caused that shift?
That was in the 1820s is when it really booms. Suddenly, you know, there's this exotic thing that you can get from the American West. that's kind of cool to have. So that's in the 1820s. And it's a huge trade.
You know, hundreds of thousands of robes are sent down the Missouri and the Mississippi down to be marketed out of New Orleans and to be sent east. That had an early effect on the decline of the bison population. In my own research and work on this, I think that something close to a half of the bison population at its peak is explained by that sort of hunting and other kinds of ecological and environmental changes that were going on in the West. So long before the hide hunters, those white hide hunters, went out there and started killing them, Indians were killing them. And essentially for the same reason.
In other words, Indians themselves became caught up in this commodification, caught up in this international trade. And they began to feel the effects of it. By the 1850s, there's this noticeable shortage, decline of bison population. So they're already under pressure. And then somebody figures out, 1872, we know exactly the year.
1872, somebody figures out that you can take a bison hide and you can turn it into industrial leather.
In the 1870s, there was a worldwide leather shortage. The reason was industry.
Factories needed leather for gaskets, for these machines, belts, and these things. A huge demand for it, both here and in England and in Europe. Most of that leather had been coming from Argentina. The huge herds in Argentina. But they were about tapped out.
So there's this huge demand. There's this big, pressing economic question. Where's the leather going to come from? There's hundreds of new factories being built all the time. Suddenly somebody figures out, buffaloes.
Wow. They can give it.
So the buffalo got it from both sides.
That's right.
Have you read Dan Flores' work on the reason why there was these immense buffalo herds in the first place?
Sure.
He believes that with the decline of the Native American population because of disease, that led to an unprecedented rise in the buffalo. And that when the Europeans came and saw these millions of buffalo on the plain, that this was not normal. That this was something akin to, like if you go to populations like in my neighborhood. My neighborhood is overrun with white-tailed deer. It's crazy how many of them there are.
And white-tailed deer at one point in time were on the verge of extinction in the United States. That's right. Because of market hunting.
That's right.
But he says that he believes that this insane number of bison that people at first witnessed, this was because the Native Americans had declined so much there was no pressure on them.
That's a good argument. I think it's very hard to prove. But Dan and I have had that conversation before. And I think there might well be something to it. It's like Yellowstone.
You get rid of the wolves, the elk population booms.
Right. Right. Yeah.
You get rid of the predators, the beaver population booms. And all of a sudden all the creeks are dammed and everyone lands footed. Yes. Yeah. So it's this extraordinarily intricate relationship and connection that we have with the world around us.
And you mess with any one part of it and the rest of it's going to change.
And human beings love to mess with things.
We do especially.
Yeah, we do. Especially when we came to a place that we didn't really have an understanding of the ecosystem. That's right. Like North America. Another thing that Dan talks about that's really fascinating was that horses originated from North America but were wiped out.
But had already been transferred to Europe and to other parts of the world. And then were reintroduced when Europeans came here. What year was that when that started happening?
Well, you're right, of course. They evolved in the Southern Plains for 50 million years from a critter called a hieracotherium, which is about the size of a collie, into the modern horse. That took millions of years. And fairly late in that story, that is to say only two or three million years ago, they migrated along with all kinds of other animals. Camels, for example, evolved alongside horses.
That's crazy. In the Southwest. And they made that trip over Beringia, over the land bridge there.
Bering Strait.
Yeah, into what was the largest pasture on Earth, Central Asia. And there their population exploded. And there they continued to evolve. They became zebras, headed south, into Africa.
That is crazy.
They became asses. So all the equids evolved from those horses coming out of New Mexico.
That is so crazy. The zebras came out of New Mexico.
That's right. Pushing far back enough. That's right. Wow. So they boomed over there.
But, you know, at the end of the last ice age, at the end of the Wisconsin glaciation, the world changes. We're going through kind of a climate change, as we have today, warming. And that changes the ecology completely. And all kinds of animals, especially in North America, became extinct. Dozens of species became extinct.
It's like 65% of all North American large megafauna. Yeah.
We had an American lion. We had, of course, the saber-toothed tiger, the similodon.
American cheetah.
The American cheetah. Yeah. We had armadillos the size of Volkswagen bugs.
Really?
Yeah.
Up until when?
With extinction.
Wow. So 12,000, 13,000 years ago, there was giant armadillos.
That's right. That's right. Wow. So, you know, they would run over cars. The cars didn't run over them.
Wow.
And, you know, the list just goes on and on.
All of these animals suddenly disappeared because of this, partly because of this ecological change. Now, there's an argument that it wasn't just that. The question is, okay, the lion goes extinct in America. It didn't go extinct in Africa. Horses go extinct in America.
They didn't go extinct over there. It was a global change. So what's the difference? The argument is people. People, by that point, had just been able to make their way over in the other direction.
You know, Beringia was a two-way street, a two-way highway, and there were animals coming over from Asia at the same time that American animals were going over in the other directions. Buffalos, bison evolved in the old world, and then they came over here.
Where did they originate from?
Central Asia.
Wow.
Yeah, and also parts of Europe. There was an animal called the auroch that was a descendant also of them.
Were they just as furry? Did they look similar? Who knows? Who knows?
Maybe they changed and evolved. They were quite different from the ones today. The ones that came over that dominated were called bison antiquus or bison latifrons. They were much larger, much larger.
Bison antiquus, if you can imagine one now, the bulls had the horn spread, just like ours do. The horn spread of a bison antiquus was great enough that LeBron James could lie down between the tips of the horns and not touch either one.
Wow.
So there were these gigantic bison. They became extinct, and they were then succeeded, they were then replaced by, or followed by our bison, bison, bison, Americanas.
Have you ever read into the Younger Dryas Impact Theory?
Into the what now?
Younger Dryas Impact Theory.
Oh, yeah, yeah. Yeah.
Randall Carlson has been on my podcast multiple times. He's a proponent of that, and there's a lot of scientific evidence in terms of core samples and micro diamonds that seem to indicate that around 11,800 years ago, North America and a good 30% of the world was hit when we passed through a comet shower, and that that was the end of the ice age, and that it happened not just then, but it happened another time, somewhere in the 10,000 range, and that that was what melted almost instantaneously, most of the North American ice cap. that covered half the continent and miles of ice and all that, and that he thinks that that was the origin of the mass extinction along with human beings. Yeah. There was a combination of those two things.
I've heard that idea, but I frankly don't know enough about it.
I'm trying to bring Randall together with someone who is an expert, like Dan Flores. I'd love to bring Randall and Dan Flores together so they can sort of compare notes, because both of them are working on the same problem from different angles.
Yeah. Well, it's a fascinating one, and it has to do, of course, with what we were talking about a little earlier. Human groups, right? People were here. What effect did that have on them?
Yeah. Does that explain some of these sudden declines of populations?
Yeah.
I don't know.
Well, it's so interesting that we still have some animals left over, like the pronghorn antelope, that moves at speeds that don't make any sense, considering the predators that are available for it. That's right. They're so much faster than everything else because they had to evade the North American cheetah. That's right.
Yeah. There's a wonderful book called Ghosts of Extinction,
and that's exactly along those lines. Also, pronghorns can't jump fences.
Right. They go under them.
They go under them or try to go through them, but they can't go over them, and that's because no fences back then. Right.
Yeah. Pretty wild.
They're faster than hell. They can outrun a lion, but they can't jump a fence.
You would think that something that could run that fast could also jump.
You'd think.
Do you think, if you gave them another million years, they'd figure out how to jump fences?
I feel pretty confident they would.
Because white-tailed deer do it like they're born to do it. Right. Like a fence. to them is just like stepping over a branch.
Oh, I know. We have a place out in the hills in Arkansas, and we've got pets, like you said, that overrun with deer.
There's a place called Catalina Island in California, where what they're trying to do now is use snipers and helicopters to wipe out the deer population. No kidding. Yeah, because, well, they're on an island and there's no predators, which is a shame. It's a horrible shame.
They starve.
Yeah. They starve, diseases, CWD. There's a lot of different diseases that they can get hit with because of this overpopulation. Yeah.
In other words, that's the kind of context that you could put in the decline of native peoples here. What we're doing is messing with the ecological arrangement in ways that make it impossible for certain animals that have adapted to that to survive. The difference, of course, is that Indians are human beings, and human beings have the imagination to imagine a different way and to respond to it in ways that others can't.
One of the more fascinating and horrific aspects of the story of the decline of the native population in America is that they had this incredibly unique lifestyle that really wasn't available anywhere else in the world. at that time. Most of the rest of Europe and Asia had sort of changed and moved to agriculture and moved to cities. These people had these immense tribes, super sophisticated hunter-gatherer civilizations that lived in symbiosis with the land. To us, people that sort of understand how horrible it is that that's happened, we have this incredible romantic attachment to Native Americans.
Yeah. Yes, a lot of ways we do. Now, there was, of course, agriculture here. Yes. In what's today?
the United States in the east, highly sophisticated forms of agriculture, growing a variety of crops in the southwest, relying especially on corn. But you're right. A good part of what's today the United States, especially the west, were hunter-gatherer peoples and fishers. They had figured out these ways, these sort of incredibly complicated, complex, practiced ways of moving through their year, month by month, week by week, in ways that they had practiced and learned about over many generations. that allowed them really a remarkably high standard of living.
Now, they were not large tribes. One of the limitations of a hunter-gatherer society is that you cannot expand in numbers beyond a certain limit, about 125.. Get bigger than that, you really can't support it. So what you had was this extraordinary splay, this extraordinary variety of peoples, hundreds, hundreds of different Native groups. Today, there are 530 federally recognized tribes in the United States.
And those are the ones who have survived physically and culturally. So there's this remarkable array of peoples, many of them speaking different languages or different dialects, all of them in contact with the others in these very intricate trade relationships. It was quite a place. And you're right, it flies dramatically in the face of what we think was going on back then, this romanticized, simplistic view of the Indian. They're just like this one group of people.
It's also so interesting that that number of 125 people aligns with what we know as Dunbar's number.
That's exactly right. That's where it comes from. So you're aware of that. Wonderful book.
Yeah, Dunbar's number, meaning that we have in our mind the ability to hold a relationship with a certain number of people intimately. And then, as it spreads out further, we can know some people sort of, we kind of know of them. But there's just a small group that would be your family, a larger group that would be your tribe. And then there's neighboring tribes.
That's right. That's right. It's a fascinating idea. It is fascinating because it shows a hard drive.
We have a mental hard drive. that's sort of designed.
Yeah, we do. It's a great book. He uses the idea of gossip, the maximum number in which gossip really affects you. You can't get above about 125.. What the hell?
I don't care.
Well, it is interesting because it seems like there's a biological, maybe an evolutionary reason for gossip. Of course. Yeah. Yeah, sure.
And in those societies, it played a very important role, because these groups typically had nothing remotely like our system of authority. Essentially, nobody was in charge.
Along many Western groups, no person in a particular band could tell another person to do anything. No one had that kind of authority. Right. So how do they stop people from going nuts, doing horrible things?
It's the group's or the band's opinion of you. Right.
You're shamed.
Right. Shamed. They would often have characters sort of like town criers. Somebody would do something awful, and he'd walk through the camp yelling about this guy.
Oh, wow.
So with that, of course, it's just sort of gossip on a grand scale.
Right. Someone's hiding food.
Yeah.
Yeah. Yeah. Someone's being greedy.
And what's interesting, also at Dunbar, I'm sure you remember this from his book, when you get down below 125, smaller groups, there's also groups in which there's a certain intimacy, where you can absolutely trust these people. Right? Right. What's that number? Twelve.
Twelve.
Think of it, twelve jurors. Right. Twelve disciples. Right. Yeah.
Eleven at a football team. Yeah. Close to it. Right. That's a smaller group that works because everybody knows everybody else.
You can rely on each other. So, yeah. And, like you say, it's hardwired.
Yeah.
It's how we work.
Well, that's one of the things that's fascinating about, things like the battle of Little Bighorn, because the Native American groups had figured out, listen, we got to get together. The only way we're going to stop these invaders is if we band together and form a much larger group.
Yeah. Now, those are the tribes. Most importantly, they're the Lakota, the Western Sioux, and the Northern Cheyenne. They were all, again, composed of bands. There was no tribe in the sense that we're thinking of.
All of them broke down into these smaller units. And they recognized a kinship. They spoke the same or common or highly related languages and so forth. They intermarried a lot, sort of binding them together. But about that time, as you say, about the time of 1876, 1870s, there was this realization, you know, we've got a real problem here.
We've got a real problem here. And the best shot we have is for us to overcome these, to forge a sense of common identity and a common purpose. It's a kind of rise of what you might call nationalism, a kind of a Sioux, Cheyenne nationalism. And that's new. That's new.
That wasn't there before. So they're evolving, right? They're evolving in their understanding. They're evolving in how they think about it themselves, right? It's this world in constant motion and change.
And what fascinated me about this in this book was how complex it was and how fast it was, and how completely far reaching it was. Everything changes.
Quickly.
Yeah.
One of the fascinating stories about Little Bighorn was that this band, this banding together of all these natives, didn't last. They were very effective. This one battle, very quickly. Like they said that the battle, what did they say? the battle lasted?
Somewhere in the neighborhood of 20 minutes.
Well, sort of the height of it, you know, where Custer's part, that's probably about that, or maybe a little longer.
It's crazy.
Now, the battle itself, of course, a larger battle, lasted much longer or more than a day, about two days. As he's part of them, part of the command under Reno, retreated to this hill, you know, and was besieged and held under siege for a day, a day and a half. But you're right. And then, you know, that's a great victory. Problem is, you know what's going to happen, right?
You know what's going to happen.
They knew the retaliation was coming.
Yeah. Yep. Big time. Got to remember. now, when did this happen?
It was 1876.. The battle itself was on June 25th, 1876.. Like I say, they were under siege there for two or three days. It was another few days before the first other group of the army, of the cavalry arrived. Then they had to spend a few days taking care of the wounded, doing what they can.
Then they took the survivors to the Missouri River to get on a steamboat to head down to Bismarck. And it was at that point that the news began to travel about this unprecedented defeat by American forces. So the battle's on June 25th. Put all those days together. When do you think the first news arrived, that of this catastrophe?
July 4th. July 4th, 1876.. The 100th anniversary of the approval of the Declaration of Independence. Our 100th birthday. News arrives of this crushing of Custer.
The nation, the military, was not going to let that stand. So this was part of the reason that there was this extraordinary effort to destroy these people. So they very quickly broke up into these constituent bands and tried to get away as best they could. And in less than a year, they were defeated.
And you talk about what happened after that in your other book on the Nez Perce, The Last Indian War.
Yeah, right. That was the next year, 1877..
The Nez Perce were this extraordinary people in the Pacific Northwest. They were from Idaho, from eastern Oregon. They, too, composed of these different bands, gathered together in this one common identity, the Nimiipuu, which means the real people.
And they were completely at peace with the whites. In fact, Lewis and Clark had been the first Americans, the first white people that they had ever seen. Lewis and Clark came over Lolo Pass. Down. in there, they were starving.
And the Nez Perce took them in, saved them, helped them get some horses and canoes to keep on their way. And on the way back, Lewis and Clark stayed with them more than a month. And they formed, in the eyes of the Nez Perce, they formed this alliance with the Americans. And they swore from this time on, we're friends, we're allies. You help us when we fight.
We'll help you when you fight. And that was in 1806.. They kept that promise from 1806 until 1877.. Wow. As their land was being overrun, as these appalling treaties were being forced upon them, they kept their word.
And then finally, in 1877, the government said, okay, that's enough. You've got to come into this reservation.
And the ones who were living off of it had to then, within one month, within a month, they had to pack up everything. They had to leave their homeland that they had known for generations. They had to cross the Snake River at its highest point, somehow get their families, women, children, kids, old folks, across this river to gather, to go into this reservation, end of a way of life.
Even though the treaty that required them to do that was a fraud.
And on the eve, literally the day before they were to go on to the reservation, to be forced out of the reservation, these young men sort of snapped. And these young men took off and killed a bunch of white folks that they had grudges against. That then triggered this war, triggered this larger outbreak against whites. That then, of course, brought the army in, and the army tried to put this down.
But as I researched that book, the question that kept coming back to me was, why? Why did they do that? Because, at the time of the war, they were completely at peace with the Americans around them. They had adapted beautifully. They were prosperous cattlemen.
They were raising cattle. They had silver tea sets. for Pete's sake. They were more prosperous than the whites who were living in the area. They threatened no one.
They were living on lands that the whites didn't want. Why, then? Why force them in? What's the reason? And the only reason I can think of was the Little Bighorn.
This year, before, this humiliating defeat at the hands of the Lakotas and the Cheyennes. With that, the government said, okay, that's it. Everybody, even our best friends, have to give up. And they have to come in into reservations where we will control them.
They'll control them and they'll force Christianity on them as well.
Yeah.
Have you seen Taylor Sheridan's series 1923?? It's a prequel to Yellowstone. Have you ever watched any of those shows? No. Really good show.
But one of the things that 1923 documents, it stars Harrison Ford. It's very interesting, but it documents these women that are forced from their tribe to go into these schools. Where Christianity is forced upon them. They're beaten and treated horrifically. It's very hard to watch, because you know that that is what happened.
Of course. Yeah. Boarding schools. Yeah. That goes way back before 1923..
By 23, it's sort of winding down. But, yeah, all sorts of, of course, scandalous news recently, in the past year or two, about the kinds of treatment that came out of those schools. Here in Canada, the same sort of thing is being revealed in Canada about the abuses under those schools. It's not just Christianity that's being forced on. They are required to speak only English.
They're punished if they speak their own languages. Therefore, they give up their appearance or cut their hair, dress in a certain way. Now,
there's a wonderful irony in that show.
I said a moment ago, most people, most of the public, think of, you know, the Indian, as if there's one group of people. The Indian. Native peoples, of course, didn't think at all like that. They identified with tribal groups. They identified with the band within the tribal groups.
Often at odds with each other. You know, they've been fighting each other like everybody fights everybody else in history. So their identity was, you know, when you say, what are you? They would say, well, I'm a Cheyenne, I'm a Comanche, you know, I'm a Tlingit, you know, whatever. I belong to this guy's band.
So the idea of the Indian was completely foreign to them.
Until boarding schools. And all of a sudden, in boarding schools, all the kids, all the young people are taken, required to go to these schools. All of these different groups, they're all living together. They're all forced to surrender much of their own individual cultures, those dozens of different cultures that they were,
you know, they'd come from. And suddenly it begins to dawn on them. They're now all speaking the same language, right? They're all, you know, we've got much more in common than we have differences among us. So there's a way in which, you know, the supposed purpose of a boarding school was to destroy Indianness.
The famous phrase coming from Colonel Pratt, who was the one who founded Carlisle, was, kill the Indian to save the man. Destroy Indian identity in order to allow these people to survive in the modern world. Wow. But what the boarding schools did was, in fact, create the Indian. They didn't kill the Indian, the Indian didn't exist before that.
It created this sense of common identity, this sense of, okay, we may be Comanche, we may be Cheyenne, we may be Lakota, we may be Tlingit or whatever. But we all have this common problem that we're facing, these common difficulties. So we need to think in terms of the Indian to bond together. Just like, on a smaller scale, when these bands decided to join and unite in order to fight the military, now, on this much larger, continental scale, Indians from all over, Native peoples, from all over the nation, now begin to see that they are related. Related in their circumstances, not by blood.
So the Indian was created, not killed, in the boarding schools.
That's fascinating. When they initially tried to move the Natives to reservations, how did they, were they doing it because where the Natives were, there was valuable resources? Were they doing it because geographically they could control them better in these regions? What was the motivation initially?
It was all of that. Certainly they were, especially when they're in particular, places that are very rich in resources. Great examples, of course, were mining rushes.
These people, who were, again, hunter-gatherers, living in some place in this remote mountain area in California or Arizona or wherever. Suddenly, they're overrun by these people coming in, overrun because they are living on some of the richest places in the nation. So you've got to get rid of them.
But there's also the reason. this is a way to control them and, in the eyes of the government, to transform them.
Put them on these reservations and you can turn them into the kind of people that you want them to be. Make them American.
So it was both of those things, both of those things together.
Which is historically, when we look back at it now, it's like one of the most horrific aspects of it that we just tried to eliminate them and just integrate them into our culture.
Right. That was always the formal government goal.
It wasn't simply give them a place to live the way they live.
No. Virtually no one was saying that. Even the people who were called, and this is a formal term, friends of the Indians. It was an organization called the Friends of the Indians. And they were honestly in their own hearts.
They thought that they were doing what was necessary for the best for these people. But they said the only way we can do that, the only way that these people can be saved, is to transform them into people like us. To make them into our, to integrate them into our culture. And that depended on really, basically, three things. It was, they had to become farmers.
Because, you know, from the beginning in this country, you know, that's sort of the ideal life. That's how you begin your integration into the American economy. The Jeffersonian vision, you know, of the ideal farmer. They've got to be Christian. They have to have this common religion.
And education. We've got to take their young people and we've got to put them in schools where they will be not only learn the basics of the three R's and so forth. But they'll be culturally educated. They will be culturally transformed. So these boarding schools were meant to transform these people into Americans.
So yeah. So we often hear the term genocide thrown around. And there are times in American history when that was absolutely true. When there was an effort to simply eradicate Indian peoples. But the whole reservation system was not meant for that.
Sometimes it turned out that way. But the purpose of it was this control and transformation. That's what was supposed to happen. And then, when that happened, once that was done, then the reservations would be done away with. Everybody would live in harmony.
Wow. It didn't happen, of course.
It had to be so confusing to them what the resources were that the white man wanted to. Because they're like, why do you want gold?
You can't eat it. You can't use it as a weapon. So strange.
It is. In a lot of ways it is. Gold, as you said, it's virtually useless. It's very soft. So you can't make it into a hammer.
What a strange thing to be the most valuable of all commodities.
It's really shiny.
How bizarre that so many parts of the world that agreed upon that.
That's right. It's just. cross-culturally, across hundreds of years. The Egyptians. Egyptians, called gold the breath of God.
The Aztec consider it God's scant. This was the excrement of the gods. So strange. Now, it's not true, I think, that once... There's some really interesting work going on right now by a historian named Benjamin Baddeley, who is studying in California.
In the gold rush, there were Indians who said, oh, they're going to give me a bunch of stuff for this stuff. Of course. Adapted. They went to work and there were hundreds of Indians who were in the gold fields before the 49ers came. Really?
Another interesting thing about your discussion with Steve Rennell, that we think of the 49ers as the miners, but there was 48ers.
That's right.
And they were from a variety of different countries.
That's right.
Tasmania.
Australia.
Australia. Wild.
All parts of Asia. Remember, the gold was discovered in the American River on January 24th, 1848.. So, you know, three weeks into 1848.. The word then began to leak out. Made it to San Francisco.
And slowly, Greg, this is now 1848, so it takes a long time for news to get from California to the east.
How did it primarily get there? Was it...
Well, there was, you know, there was traffic back and forth, but it's very slow. Overland trails, over... Right. So forth.
Months and months.
Months and months. And when it came to the east, a lot of people said, oh, come on. Yeah. One more rumor about the riches in the west. So forth.
So it wasn't until December 4th, 1848, when the president, James Polk, in his annual message to Congress, said, yep, it's true. It's true. Wow. They found gold out there, and there was a lot of it. A lot of it.
And people are making thousands of dollars, tens of thousands of dollars out there. But the point here is that from January 1848, when gold was discovered, to the end of 1848, nobody in the east really either knew about this, there were rumors, or believed it. So that's why we call the gold rushers 49ers, because it's the next year that they go out there in these extraordinary numbers. But the question is, what was happening out there at the time?
Right?
What was happening is that we had the 48ers, people from Oregon, people from Australia, people from Tasmania, the first Chinese ever coming over, especially people from the south, Sonorans, people coming from Mexico, Peruvians, Chileans. So when the 49ers get out there, the Americans get out there, and they look around, they say, who are these people? digging our gold?
So it's what I call in the book, the second conquest of California, the first one, of course, in the war with Mexico. But then suddenly, you know, this is the richest place on earth, quite literally, at that time. And the gold there is being mined by these people that we considered non-Americans. So we've got to get rid of them. Indians, right?
The rest of them. There's what's called the Chile War, in which Chileans are driven out of the mines. So these people are either driven out completely or they're confined to the edges while the 49ers take over, including, of course, the Indians. This is what triggered one of the few cases in which this is clearly genocide, in which there was a concerted, formal effort to eradicate Indian peoples who are on these gold fields.
The California legislature funded bond issues to pay for militias to go kill Indians.
Congress reimbursed California, the legislature, to pay for those expeditions.
It was Ben Madley, who wrote the book on this, who calls it a killing machine.
One of the few times in American history when we could say, absolutely, yes, this was attempted genocide.
And it was specifically because of the commodity of gold.
Sure. Of course.
Wow.
Of course. Yeah. You've got to remember, this was the, by far, the richest gold discovery in human history up until that time.
More gold was mined in California in one year, 1852, than had been mined across the world in the entire 18th century. One year. Wow. There's a story from the fellow who was the head of the San Francisco Mint. It was established in the mid-1850s.
He said that at one time they were processing so much gold in that mint that the furnaces couldn't handle it. And they discovered, to their horror, that gold dust was being blown out of the smokestacks and settling on the area around there. So they had to send out people for like a quarter mile around the mint to sweep up the gold.
And sift through it. On the roofs.
Wow.
The gilded rooftops, you know. Wow. So this is a lot of gold.
That's insane.
And one result of that was that California, of course, gets this instant population. It never goes through a territorial period. It just goes straight to statehood because there's so many people. Right?
Well, historically, if the Indians were getting much of a protection, it came from the federal government.
Well, the federal government, it's not a territory. So it's a state government that's in charge there. And the state government's attitude was, get rid of them. Wow. Get rid of them.
And the population dropped from an estimated 150,000 in 1848 to 1,916,000.. Wow. So about 90%.
Wow. Yeah, it was one of the—you can picture it this way. I think we mentioned to most folks, you know, where were the great Indian wars? Where are the great Indian defeats? They think typically of the Great Plains, Little Bighorn, Montana, the Dakotas, and the Southwest, New Mexico, Arizona.
That's where the movies all are. Those are the ones that we're most aware of publicly. If the population in California, native population in California, dropped as much as we think it did,
that would be as if every native person in Montana, North and South Dakota, Wyoming, Colorado, Nebraska, Kansas, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, vanished. Wow. As if they were all gone, all dead.
Wow.
And that was happening in this one state.
One state because of one commodity.
Yeah, yeah.
Wow.
It was an absolute nightmare.
And yet, who knows about it? Very few people. Who's aware of that?
Yeah, that's not really discussed that much.
There's a fantastic book about Texas and about the Comanches called Empire of the Summer Moon.
Sure.
Have you read it?
Yeah.
Incredible book. It details the difficulty that they had in trying to establish colonies both in New Mexico and in Texas because of the Comanche. Sure. That is an absolutely amazing documentation of what took place in this area.
Yeah, yeah.
Part of that story has to do with what we were talking about earlier, and that is horses.
Yes.
This was one of the great revolutions. I call it the other American revolution. In the book, I call it the grass revolution. Horses now had, of course, started here, went to Asia, became extinct here, and the Europeans brought them back. Coronado was the first to bring them into where they had been born, onto the South Plains.
What year was this?
Coronado? Yeah. In the 1540s. Then the Spanish came for good at the end of the 1500s, establishing Santa Fe along the Rio Grande River.
Then it wasn't until around 1680, with this rebellion of Pueblo Indians in the Santa Fe area that drove the Spanish out for 12 years, that these horses began to spread across the West. They had begun to spread before, and we're coming to understand now that there were probably more of them out there than we realized earlier. But the explosive growth of horses out of New Mexico comes after 1680..
1780, 100 years later, Indian peoples across the plains in the Southwest and in the Rocky Mountains have all developed, adapted the horse, adopted and adapted to that horse into what we call horse cultures. That is, these ways of life that depend upon the horse. Without the horse, you can't do what you want to do. It's like we have a car culture, right?
And this gave them, among other things, great military power, economic power, but also military power. The key to that, Joe, was the fact that horses are herbivores, right? And they're adapted to this, the second largest grassland on earth, the Great Plains. And when you put a human on a horse, then it becomes something else. It becomes what I call a horse man.
That is horse hyphen man, right? Not a horseman. It becomes, it's like you take these two animals and you fuse them into one thing, right? And this animal, like a centaur, this animal has the power and the speed and the grace and the beauty of a running horse. And it has the brain of a human being.
It has the imagination and the innovation and the arrogance of a human being. So that's a new animal. It's bad news for the bison. Really bad news for the bison. Because the first time you have a grass-eating predator,
you have a killer. You have a killer that can draw upon the same energy in the grasses that the bison do.
And it's ultimately fatal for them, right? At the same time, it becomes this, these horse cultures become extraordinary military machines.
And that's what the Comanches were. That's what the book is about. And that was this other American revolution. The same time that our revolution in the East is going on, there's this revolution in life and power in the middle of what's today the United States. With the rise of these native empires, the Comanches and the Lakotas and others, these become these sort of superpowers.
They dominate, they dominate the middle of America. And they just kick the bejabbers out of the Spanish.
It's not until the Americans show up with their numbers, overwhelming numbers, and with their new technologies.
The pistol.
The pistol and the rifles, and the railroads and the others, that they're able to find that these empires are broken. And, of course, Little Bighorn, that's the end of that particular cycle of it. And the Lakotas, they were the superpower of the middle of America. They and the Comanches were these, formed, in effect, one great empire. Stretched from southern Canada all the way into Mexico.
A native empire, right?
That's what we broke when we came in with the Little Bighorn in 1876 against the Comanches. What that book writes about 1874..
It was also the last time that a horse culture arose on earth. The first were about 5,000 years ago in Ukraine. And then, of course, that way of life spreads, spreads across Central Asia. The Mongols, you know, it spreads into northern China. It spreads down into the Mideast.
It leads to the great horseback empires of the Arabs in northern Europe. And then into Europe, to the great Iberian powers like Spain. All of these are military horse cultures. It's a story that goes 5,000 years back. And it ends where the story began 50 million years ago.
With the beginning with the first horses, right? It ends at the same place. What we see when you look at the Little Bighorn, when you look at the defeat of the Comanches, when you look at the defeat of those other Indian tribes, what you're seeing is the end of a 5,000-year epic in world history. An epic that began at the same place. It's incredible.
So, the horse empire began in Ukraine?
The first time that we know, or we think now, the first time that people domesticated horses was in Ukraine, yeah.
That's so fascinating.
Yeah.
How did they figure it out? And how did the Comanche figure out how to do it so much better than the other tribes?
That's a great question. There have been some very good books written recently on the Comanches. The best, in my opinion, is by, it's called The Comanche Empire, that follows the story of the rise of Comanche power. It's by a good friend of mine, Pekka, his name is Pekka Hommelainen. He's a native Fin who has written the great book on this.
I don't know. They just, well, first place is, I think Dan Flores would stress this. They were in absolutely the right place. Southern Plains. Dan has a book called Horizontal Yellow, which is the Comanche word for this area.
This is where horses evolved. This is where they were born. This is where they were best adapted. That was Comancheria. That was Comanche.
So they were in just the right place for this proliferation of horses. And they took advantage of it. Something about them was able to fashion, to take advantage of this to a degree that few others did. They were very, very good at it. And what Pekka's book does also is show that this was genuinely an empire.
They had their own foreign policy. They had their own economic system. They had this intricate trade system. So they would sort of outsource the growing of horses. when the Americans came.
They would wait until the Americans were developing horse herds, as well as cattle and other things. Let them do the work. Let them use their grass to develop these horse herds. And then we steal them.
So they're outsourcing, right? Wow. They develop these trade networks of trading horses up to the Northern Plains where the winters are so severe. They had terrible losses every year. So they would sell horses, trade horses, up to the North.
This is a very sophisticated arrangement. But they were the masters of it. And it served them well until the Americans show up in numbers.
They figured out how to geld stallions. They figured out how to raise them. And the amount of status and wealth that you had was dependent upon the amount of horses that you had.
Sure, yeah, yeah.
Which is very different.
From what you had before. That was quite common among other groups. These horse cultures, you know, horses became sort of the coin of the realm, as you said. Who you were, it was like big wigs, right?
Yes.
The bigger the wig you had, the bigger. That's right. The more horses you have. That's a measure of your wealth, of your status, of your prestige.
This area that we're in right now was populated by the Comanche. And these arrowheads, this is one of them, they're everywhere here. They're what now? They're everywhere here. There's a friend of mine who has a ranch out here.
And he finds hundreds, if not thousands of them a year. And he actively sifts through them. And he puts them up on his website, on his Instagram page. And he sent me one of them. And this is just one of who knows how many, if not hundreds of thousands of these that have been found in this area.
Yeah. Where these people lived for a long time.
A long time.
Surviving off the buffalo and wild game. And primarily eating only meat. Which gave them a big advantage over the Americans who came here, who needed carbohydrates. And who, they couldn't go a day or two without eating, without being completely diminished. Whereas they were, just because their body had adapted to eating meat, they were essentially in ketosis.
And they were eating meat, and it didn't bother them to go a day without food. They had all these advantages.
Yep. Beautifully adapted. Partly by their own planting. Partly just good chance.
Yeah. And also their strategies. Their ability, you know, we think of Native Americans, we think of archers as having a quiver on their back. And they pull an arrow from the quiver and put it in. But they carried multiple arrows in each finger.
So in the four fingers of the hand, they would have four arrows sitting in their hands ready to go. And they had the ability to cycle them through the bow very quickly. Whereas the Europeans had a musket. And they had to put the ball in there and the gunpowder and tap it down. The whole thing took like 30 seconds to get one shot off.
Under extreme pressure of these Native Americans who were extremely adept on horseback. And who actually would ride sideways so they would hide behind the body of the horse.
That's right. Which is incredible. By the time the real hammer came down, the whites had repeating rifles and they had pistols. But still, in terms of fighting on those terms,
the Comanche on horseback was far more effective. They were called short bows. And they were very powerful. We think of long bows or crossbows as ones with a great power. But these things were, you know, they could, a hunting bison, they could shoot an arrow, one of these short bows,
and it would go through a bison. All the way through this animal. And they're incredibly accurate.
Yeah, and very accurate.
Even on horseback.
Riding horseback, they trained to shoot off a horseback. Like the Mongols famously, would release their arrow while the horse was in the air. Because of the less disturbance. So they had this thing that they would do where they would release the arrow as the horse was in the air. And they were insanely accurate.
doing it that way. Apparently not very accurate. doing it just standing still. That was alien to them.
Like, why would you shoot on the ground like that? That's so stupid. Get on a horse, dummy.
Yeah, well, what was documented in Empire of the Summer Moon was the use of the revolver. And that the military didn't really have a desire to acquire the revolver. But the Texas Rangers did. And the reason why they did is they would recognize that there's a need to have multiple bullets in some sort of a cylinder that you could replace. And so when they started doing that, that's when they started to gain ground over the Comanche.
And then, of course, the Henry rifle, the repeating rifle, all these different things that happened after that.
Yeah, well, revolvers are not terribly accurate. But they could fire bullets as fast as a Comanche could fire an arrow. So that's an advantage. Yeah.
And Jack Hayes, who's the original Texas Ranger, there's a photo of him out there in our lobby, as well as a photo of Cynthia Ann Parker.
I saw those. And Quanta. And Quanta Parker, yeah.
It's just such an amazing aspect of the history of this area. I mean, in this region, when you drive around, you'll see Quanta Parker Lane. You'll see all these Comanche names that have been put on streets.
Yeah. Well, Cynthia was taken not far from here.
Right.
11 years old. Yeah. Yeah.
It's a crazy story, right?
It's an amazing story.
Yeah. This whole place transformed so rapidly. And it's interesting that this sort of independent philosophy of Texans probably had a lot to do with how difficult it was to take over this place.
Yeah. I think you can push that a little too far. But there's certainly something to that. Awfully, awfully tough people.
How could you push it too far, and what do you mean by that?
Well, I think that so many of the people in Texas and elsewhere, you know, they were just sort of ordinary folks. And you wouldn't really – they really didn't have to go through the kind of transformation, you know, kind of adaptive transformation that would produce those kinds of abilities. But the ones on the cutting edge, you know, the ones out there, you know, that was true of them.
Yes.
Tough guys. Charlie Goodnight. You know that name? Yes. Charles Goodnight.
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