2024-02-16 00:30:30
Welcome to America This Week, with Matt Taibbi and Walter Kirn, the national news wrap-up so true, we recommend you stow all sharp objects before reading. <br/><br/><a href="https://www.racket.news/s/america-this-week?utm_medium=podcast">www.racket.news</a>
All right, welcome to America This Week, I'm Matt Taibbi.
And I'm Walter Kern.
Walter, what's going on?
It's snowing outside.
It's a Montana blizzard.
I'm cozy here in the embrace of the alt-media, and...
You're in the loving embrace of the alt-media.
The only place I feel safe right now.
That reminds me of that line from The Insider when Christopher Plummer, playing Mike Wallace,
talked about how he didn't want to be wandering the wilds of national public radio.
But, anyway.
In the cold winds of the mainstream media.
No, I'm tucked away in our little, slightly invisible niche of alt-media.
Exactly.
We say controversial things, but can be assured that very few people hear them.
So busy week.
I mean, I guess we should...
Last week, much of the show was about...
We did the show early, in advance of Tucker Carlson's interview with Vladimir Putin.
What did you think of the interview, by the way?
Well, so, at the time we talked about it, I had seen it, two-thirds of it, and then
read to the end of it.
And I don't know that you had seen it yet, so...
I'd seen a little bit of it, yeah.
Yeah, you're kind of taking my word for it, but here are my top three takeaways.
Number one, it was not a Russian propaganda coup.
It was a coup for meme makers.
The meme being, a simple question is asked of Putin, and he responds with a thousand-year
saga of Russian history.
The Earth was a primordial soup.
Yeah, yeah, yeah.
The firmament was divided from the ocean.
And I thought, by the way, that that was just kind of an assertion of Russian cultural dominance
over narrative, saying, you know, you guys think you're storytellers in the West, but
let me tell you what a real story is.
And the guy was Homeric on Tucker, you know, soundbite man gets homered by Putin.
For that reason, I don't think Putin was able to seduce or hypnotize a Western audience.
I also felt that his antagonism toward Carlson was evident, and in retrospect, maybe even
stronger than I perceived at the moment, because I was listening for information the first
time I went through it.
But when I went back and did my body language scan and so on, there was no love lost.
In fact, I kind of saw the, you know, former communist and Putin coming out going like,
who is this rich person from America?
You know, I'm going to, I'm going to crush them in some fashion.
It was almost more important that he didn't let Tucker run his modern media game than
he won the hearts and minds.
Putin was, Putin was odd.
You know, he would have known what red meat for those sort of Putin questioning, Putin
curious people were in the West, and he didn't give them much.
Yeah.
I mean, he's, look, he's, he's a, he's a scary person when I think of the average Russian,
if they get a chance to interview Putin, they're thinking ahead to the moment when he's displeased
with the results and you're in the well, in silence of the lambs, and he's up at the top
saying it puts the lotion on its skin.
You know what I mean?
Like it's, he's, he's a scary character and he's probably not used to having to deal with
conventions of Western media and, you know, do anything but be, but be whatever his whimsical
self is.
But I don't think it was effective.
I mean, he was, he was trying to propagate, propagandize.
Yes, he was, but he wasn't trying to propagandize us in a sort of sugary poppy way.
It was through a kind of storytelling and reasoning and argumentation that the West
is largely immune to because of our short attention span.
But but also you remember how when people used to go interview Castro and he would like
spend six hours, you know, overwhelming them in some interviews, smoking his cigar.
There seems to be for, for authoritarian leaders a real attraction to the monologue and maybe
no ability to check themselves because no one in real life checks them.
I mean, Putin probably, can you imagine the people who ooh and ah over every story he
tells?
Right, right.
So it's been a long time since he's been interrupted, I'd say.
Yeah, it's true.
And you know, we can't forget that these sort of ex-communist leaders, they were raised
on the worst television in the history of television.
I mean, you know, stuff like conversations with Paustowski, right, which is, it's just
hours and hours and hours of like an elderly person mumbling into bad audio and, you know,
not saying anything that could possibly offend anybody in any direction.
So they're used to this sort of rambling thing that that was a convention, I guess, of his
youth.
But, you know, I've seen him be good at the other thing.
So it's mystifying what happened.
But we certainly heard afterwards that there was this pleasure in the Russian world about
the outcome of that interview.
Yes, that they had not optimized propaganda opportunity.
But even in the case of sort of little revelation, like who did Nord Stream, and Putin said very
succinctly for once, you did.
Yeah, we talked about it.
That was really funny.
And then Tucker makes a joke saying that he had an alibi, which I found an odd joke, if
not one I would have made.
I would have said, who do you mean by you?
What entity?
And so on.
In any case, not to second guess the whole thing, I felt that if Putin had sort of bombs
to drop, he was probably signaling all the intelligence services and State Department
and so on who are watching this interview, that he wasn't doing it.
Yeah.
Mm hmm.
In other words, it was the spectacle of a guy who probably had a lot of ammo he wasn't
using, showing off the fact that he wasn't using it.
Right.
Well, this is the difference between somebody who has to secure widespread popular support
and someone whose real audience is always, you know, officials and intelligence agencies
and other bureaucracies.
Putin definitely thinks like that.
I mean, he's never really had to campaign.
He was essentially handed the presidency of Russia and, you know, the only competitive
election that he ever held.
The competitiveness of that is always dubious.
So who knows?
But it was it's interesting.
I think you predicted that it would complicate the passage of the Russia aid package, which
it may very well have.
But, you know, as of this broadcast, it's not true, is it?
I don't believe.
Well, I mean, it's dead, dead on arrival in the House, the House will not take this up.
It was passed in a sort of midnight way through the Senate.
Certain American senators made a pretty big deal of opposing it, Mike Lee, J.D. Vance.
And now, yesterday, as of yesterday, we get this sudden scare headline.
Oh, my God.
That was about Russian space capability.
Well, it didn't didn't start that way, though.
I mean, the progression of that story was amazing.
It just started off as there is a threat.
Then, right, and my UFO friends all sat up and went, oh, my gosh, it's going to they're
going to talk about aliens.
Yay.
Finally.
Yeah, exactly.
But it didn't turn out that way.
And then, you know, then then it was somebody said it was about hypersonic missiles.
And then somebody said it was about, you know, nuclear Russian nuclear capability or, you
know, perhaps the use of weapons to attack our space defenses.
And then it came out that it was allegedly about some nuclear capability that has not
even been deployed yet.
The whole thing is ridiculous with space.
I don't even know.
I mean, I didn't even get that far.
This idea that, you know, this is this goes back to the Bush administration days when
they had that threat indicator that the DHS used to put out, like, here's how scared you're
supposed to be today of the terrorist threat.
And they wouldn't even specify it.
And people would, you know, they would have psychotic episodes or not based on how high
or low the bar graph was.
The idea that people take this stuff seriously is just unbelievable to me that, you know,
we can release these highly nonspecific things that we have no, that the public has no ability
to do anything about, about which the public has no ability to do anything.
I don't know, whatever.
And put it out there.
For what reason?
Like, why are we being told this?
The only possible reason that they did that was, was to try to, you know, desperately
nudge a little bit more of this, you know, aid package, right?
Isn't that the only conceivable explanation for that thing?
Yeah.
To me, I mean, especially since it's not an imminent threat now, we find out it's something
they could have sounded their fake alarm about at any time.
And it just happened to be now.
So I'd say, you know, we can infer that motive.
But I just want to know generally, as I sit here in midwinter Montana, in our cozy niche
of the alt media, why we went from, you know, the 1950s wants its foreign policy back or
whatever, you know, the rejoinder to Mitt Romney, to Russia all the time.
I mean, since 2016, to now, to this moment, I've had more intense Russophobic content
in my world than I did as a kid between 1976 and 1984, in which I was allowed to forget
about it for a few days every once in a while.
Right.
When they were an active nuclear adversary, that was a real threat to counter launch if
something bad happened.
And some bad things did happen.
We had a couple of very near misses where we were almost in nuclear war with the Russians.
And yet, we weren't, you know, asked to take the threat nearly as seriously as we are now.
So what happened between 2012 and now, you know, I mean, that gets into the activities
of this week.
You know, what I spent a lot of time on this week, obviously, you know, people who watch
this channel who follow Racket know that on public and now today, as of Thursday on Racket,
there was a series of exposes about basically about Russiagate.
But there were two main revelations.
One is that there was a surveillance campaign that included at least 26 Trump aides and
associates that was directed by the CIA.
It started before the FBI investigation.
And the other one is that they cook the intelligence for the intelligence community assessment
that said that Russia had done an influence campaign to specifically to help Trump, which
is like the last surviving myth from that era.
But the interesting thing about this, and as people have pointed out, everybody from
Maria Bartiromo to Dan Bongino to Aaron Maté to Chuck Ross to a million other people have
covered this stuff because it's been floating out there since 2018.
But I think one of the interesting things is that Russia was kind of an incidental part
of the campaign against Donald Trump.
I mean, if you look at the early Steele dossier reports and what we were told, they didn't
have a direction to go in as late as the spring of 2016.
And they kind of coalesced around this Russia theme that summer.
But not before then, because they didn't have a real predication to be worried about Russia
in conjunction with Trump.
So this whole thing, this whole Russia thing, it's not like it's fictional, because obviously
there's been tension dating back a long way, including the Maidan revolution and all that.
But in this specific circumstance, I think it's just sort of an accidental consequence
of this weird PR campaign.
There are a couple of aspects to it that I'd like to question you about.
As a consumer of Racket and Publix, I'd like to ask you a few questions about it.
One, how early did it really start?
What's the earliest you can trace it to?
The surveillance of the Trump world.
So we know for sure that there were people who were, quote unquote, bumped or approached
by informants in March of 2016.
But we've had people tell us that it was as early as December of 2015.
I mean, there's some stuff in the public record.
A lot of this stuff is in the public record.
It's just that people haven't looked at it because it hasn't been stressed.
For instance, in the infamous text between counterintelligence chief Peter Strzok and
his lover slash FBI lawyer Lisa Page, there's a reference to what they call Okunis lores,
which is overseas.
Outside of the continental U.S. or something like that.
Exactly.
Yeah, exactly.
So that refers to 2015.
We've been told that that's the case.
And then also, there was a series of public stories involving the New Yorker and the Guardian,
which quoted the GCHQ, Britain's version of the NSA, saying that the genesis of all this
was late 2015 when the British picked up stuff.
So looking in retrospect, it reads like they were pre-bunking these revelations a little
bit, like they were setting the stage.
But certainly it was before the FBI thing started.
And it was before Donald Trump's nomination, which suggests...
So were they all betting on the Donald Trump wars?
Had they set up this international intelligence effort to surveil Donald Trump in the hope,
in the fear that he would be nominated?
Or was it only him that was being surveilled?
Were there similar efforts with other possible Republican nominees?
Well, I think that's...
Unfortunately, this is one of the remaining holes in the story is we just don't have a
good grip on the why of this.
Why did they start doing it?
Because the legend is that Trump is so unique, so particular and peculiar in his possible
relations to the Russians, that he required extraordinary measures.
But if they were doing it to other people too, and we just hadn't heard about it because
they didn't need to use those files, then that blows all to hell the notion that it
was just Trump.
If they had another program for Ted Cruz...
Right.
And so what we were told was that the question was asked, was this done for some national
security objective?
The answer was a definitive no.
They were just trying to take advantage of a rookie, inexperienced political campaign.
They specifically picked people like George Papadopoulos and Carter Page, who they thought
wouldn't see this kind of thing coming.
But the specific why, so far we got a peek at what's in this missing intelligence, but
we didn't get the whole glimpse, which is forcing us to speculate about what happened.
The question has been asked, why focus on Donald Trump?
He didn't even win Iowa, right?
Why would they focus on him so early?
One answer to that is, well, that's what they said about Watergate.
I mean, why would Nixon do it?
Remember, that was even a line in All the President's Men, where Ben Bradley Jr.
says to Woodward and Bernstein, why would Nixon do it?
I don't believe the story, right?
Because he was ahead by so much.
I think, you know, I mean, if I had to guess, which I hate doing, but my suspicion is that
they just overuse these tools a lot.
And we're finding out about this particular incident because Donald Trump happened to
become president.
But I think when there's digging into this, and unfortunately, the hearing to dig further
into this 702 slash five applies a program for collecting foreign intelligence.
There was supposed to be one this week, and they abruptly canceled it.
The Republicans canceled it.
The Republicans canceled it.
I think we're going to find out that this is just something that is overused a lot.
And maybe in this particular case, you know, there was a little bit of extra curiosity
about Trump because he was running for president because he was so disliked because they thought
they could get away with it.
I don't know.
It's an interesting question.
Okay, so I have gypsy heritage.
I don't know that I've ever mentioned that on this show.
I think you did once.
This is cool.
Yeah.
Yeah, but not to add to stereotypical prejudices against gypsies, but they do have a rich tradition
of fooling people.
It's one of their, you know, it's one of their industries.
And the making of what appear to be predictions is an interesting thing.
One of the ways you can do it is to make predictions about a lot of things and then
suppress the ones that didn't come true while highlighting the ones that did.
So you can appear to have, you know, covered only Donald Trump when you release your dossier
on him, but the four other dossiers that you would have every reason to compile if it was
a political operation, which it was.
I mean, if anything, what you're reporting has revealed is that this was a political
operation, for sure.
For sure.
And so why would they confine themselves to only one person who might, if they were, who
if they, if they put all their eggs in that basket and Trump blew up, they have no, they
have no info or no strategy against other people.
That doesn't make a lot of sense to me.
Number two, you're talking about when it started and when it got going.
Well, the thing that happened in 2016 that we all remember and that still hasn't been
addressed by this is the WikiLeaks business.
You know, I mean, that was used in the public, on the news, on MSNBC, you know, later to
be the home of John Brennan, right?
For his, you know, second career as a, and clapper, right?
I mean, dude, let's, we'll, let's hold off looking at what this implies for the big picture
of American politics and media.
But when WikiLeaks happened, it was the prima facie evidence of collusion.
Somehow the idea that the Russians on Donald Trump's behalf in some fashion had hacked
the DNC and Podesta and so on and released all these emails in order, you know, that
was, that was the dirty trick that America, that was used to convince America that all
this happened.
And later it got into the weeds.
Oh, there were Facebook ads and this other stuff, but we still don't have an answer.
On the WikiLeaks, the origins of that WikiLeaks.
No, they never approved it, which is one of the reasons why, you know, remember the democratic
party sued Trump, Russia and WikiLeaks for a conspiracy.
And the suit was tossed, not only because they didn't prove any of the individual elements
or connections, but also on the basis that the WikiLeaks leaks were protected speech
in the public interest.
But they never, ever established the connection between WikiLeaks and Russia and Russia and
the Trump campaign.
In fact, in one of the like amazing episodes that, you know, still to this day baffles
me, Aaron Maté pointed this out.
The indictment of Roger Stone disproved the entire theory of Russiagate because it talks
about how after the initial WikiLeaks releases about the DNC hacks, that he was dispatched
by Trump officials to go talk to WikiLeaks, to try to find out more about what was coming
next.
Right.
So if they were all conspiring, why did they need to have Roger Stone, who didn't know
any of these people, go and make an unsuccessful attempt to talk to WikiLeaks on social media?
By the way, all of us reporters were trying to get the same information out of WikiLeaks.
I was certainly doing it.
But there's so much contradictory information about this whole thing.
And no, you're right.
They never clarified the WikiLeaks role.
And, you know, there's certainly some outstanding mysteries involved in that episode.
So my takeaway from the reporting so far, well, let me hold fire on that for a moment.
One phrase that you have, you know, centered your reporting on is manufactured intelligence.
Now, it's another one of those Orwellian terms because it's not intelligence.
Intelligence is something that's true, right?
I mean, manufactured intelligence is actually not intelligence.
It's the opposite of it.
It's deception.
It's disinformation.
You know, we've lived in a world now for a few years now where you and I and people like
us get accused of tolerating or even spreading disinformation.
But the Russiagate story is the preeminent example of disinformation in our time, you
know, after maybe the Iraq weapons of mass destruction.
It has a lot in common with that story, which we can get into.
But yeah, absolutely.
It's even worse.
It's worse than that because they're yeah.
So the manufacturing of intelligence, which isn't actually intelligence, the manufacturing
of disinformation.
Happens, how?
How did it happen in this case?
I mean, there are certain techniques that are common.
What are they?
OK, well, I guess I should just back up and do like a three minute thing on what the story
is in.
Obviously, all the Russiagate stuff happened.
There was incredible furor as Trump was getting elected.
Michael Flynn got dismissed.
James Comey stood up in Congress and announced that there was an investigation into Trump
and his possible links to Russia.
And then in response to that, the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the House
Intelligence Committee, which at the time was chaired by a Republican California congressman,
Devin Nunes, started an investigation into the origins of Trump, Russia.
And so they they had two teams, one that was kind of based on the Hill.
And then there was a smaller unit that worked at Langley.
Their ingress and egress was controlled.
They were monitoring the way in and way out.
They couldn't take anything out.
So only a portion of what this team uncovered, they had access to all kinds of raw intelligence.
Only a portion of it ever got out.
And that was through the mainly through the Nunes memo.
They also helped uncover the fact that the Clinton campaign paid for the Steele dossier.
But this is where people who follow this story obsessively have always known that there's
stuff from there that is going to come out at some point.
So this is that stuff coming out.
This is what people, you know, all these conservative commentators have been wondering about for
years.
So what did they find out?
One of the things they found out was that the manufacturer of what what was called the
intelligence community assessment, which was a big report that was published on January
6th, 2017.
You remember that?
This was the this was right after January 6th, the other January.
It's amazing coincidence, right?
And this was the one it was like a 30 ish page report.
And it said, we assess basically that Putin ordered an influence campaign to denigrate
Hillary Clinton and and help president elects Trump's electoral chances.
And there was an annex to that report that included Steele dossier stuff.
The four intelligence chiefs, Comey, John Brennan from the CIA.
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