2023-06-09 00:30:18
Welcome to America This Week, with Matt Taibbi and Walter Kirn, the national news wrap-up so true, we recommend you stow all sharp objects before reading. <br/><br/><a href="https://www.racket.news/s/america-this-week?utm_medium=podcast">www.racket.news</a>
Welcome to America this week, I'm Matt Taibbi.
And I'm Walter Kern.
How are you doing, Walter?
I'm doing well, I'm ensconced in an anonymous New York City hotel room waiting out the climate apocalypse. Or, you know, the smoke from Canada, which, of course, to me, being a Montanan most of the time, is not at all alarming. Because we spend an entire August under a, you know, cloud of wildfire smoke. But to see it among the art deco skyscrapers of midtown Manhattan is a little interesting.
I mean, it's it's pretty funny because we're going to be talking about Isaac Asimov's nightfall later. But the panic in people in the tri-state area over this, this incident is kind of amazing. Like they shut down all kinds of things, even in the suburbs, like people were acting like it was, you know, the nuclear winter that happened.
Oh, I was seeing on Twitter, you know, what am I going to do? I can't take my dog out to relieve itself, and I was thinking, No, you can and you will under pressure.
But, you know, I also saw the The Chinese newspaper that sometimes, you know, put out in New York on certain corners, the kind of propaganda paper. And it had, I would say, gloating headlines about the climate problems in New York. And and these pictures of this, you know, midtown Manhattan, red sky, sort of blurry.
Post-apocalyptic Manhattan were so exaggerated compared to the actual Manhattan I was seeing framing the newspaper boxes. I don't know what kind of filters they put on the photos, but they were alarmist to say.
How many news stories have we had now where the expected audience reaction is just complete panic and people are supposed to run around the room screaming in terror? That's just like the normal state of being now for almost any major news story. It's coming. You're right. Yeah, exactly.
We've moved the dial on panic to a permanent 11.
Um, I actually have a. This one goes through 11 cups somewhere, it just has the 11 on it.
Well, news After a calm, relatively calm week last week, news has definitely gone to 11 this week. Last night, the expected news broke that Donald Trump has been indicted. What's been the most crazy, hysterical, over the top reaction that you've seen so far?
Um, well, you know, there are obviously two kinds of reactions. The the we finally got him, America is free, the wicked Witch is dead. Uh, smooth sailing.
From here on out, Donald Trump is going to be taken off the game board. On the right, or I guess you might call it the right. You see, well, it's only a.
It's only a matter of time till we're all in camps.
And I did actually see that this morning on Twitter from, you know, someone with about a million, uh, uh, you know, an audience of about a million so. But but that this is a left right issue, I think is, uh, is debatable. Um, it is a first, no matter what you think in politics or no matter how you vote. Um, to have a presidential candidate and a former president indicted on federal charges. We definitely have passed some sort of rubicon.
And the people who made this decision, I imagine, have looked down the game board. They're all chess players, they don't just do things and then wait to find out what happens.
They've, are we sure about that?
Well, maybe that's me consoling myself.
Right?
You know, thinking that there is some strategy among the powers that be, but maybe not, maybe they just, uh, you know, threw this hairdryer into the bathtub and are waiting to see, you know, whether it electrocutes.
Let's see what happened, yeah, let's put the kitten in the microwave and see what happens.
But I'd like to think they've at least thought three steps ahead.
Um, yeah, at least a couple. I mean, let's, let's let's console ourselves with that for the time being. Um, yeah, I so, so. My reaction to this was similar to the first indictment, which is, if you're going to take the extreme step of indicting the likely nominee of the opposition party. Um, the case has to meet two, two fairly simple tests, really serious, and it has to be a pretty good case.
Um, the first one doesn't meet either of those tests. The Manhattan case, like it clearly is, I mean, it's. It's barely even a crime. It would, only. It's only a crime, according to, uh, this arcane legal theory, which has never been proven before in a court. Um, and I think they'd have, they'd have a lot of work to do to get there, and, you know.
Paying off a prostitute, um, or, I'm sorry, not a prostitute, a porn star, uh, to, you know, keep quiet like that. It's pretty tough to call that like an earth shattering, uh, matter of, you know, national security here we have, um.
Sort of a crime that the current president has basically already admitted to, um, doing the same thing. And it involves this, the Espionage Act, uh, which has been abused repeatedly going back the last 15 years or so in a variety of cases. And Barack Obama sets the record for using it against leakers. It's used in the Assange case in an extremely dubious way. Um, and so he may be guilty of this, right?
There may actually be a mishandling of documents. Um, so it, it, it may meet that test, but in terms of the seriousness of it, uh, what? The the average person is going to look at this and say it's it's a politicized investigation. The same way they did the first one. No, uh, it seems to me that that's, that's going to be the reaction.
First of all, it's going to remain a mystery, apparently, what the documents actually are. Um, there seems to be no prospect of finding out what these sensitive documents were. Which? Which, uh, causes one to imagine a terrible rug pull when they when they turn out to be pictures of him with you know Kim, or, or, uh, you know him and Tiger Woods shaking hands or something, uh, with a big trophy between them, uh, but uh, well, we'll, we'll. We'll assume that they are somewhat more serious than that, these underlying documents. But I see no reason. If you're a Trump supporter, or if you are a a neutral party who's just concerned about precedent. And, you know, the future of, uh, democracy. As they, Um, I, I see no reason why you should imagine this as anything other than political. It is the latest in a series of, uh, prosecutorial gestures toward Trump that go back years and years and years. All of the previous, I guess, except Brag, have turned out because that hasn't been adjudicated, to be vaporous and, uh, even somewhat hysterical, and to have been backed by, uh, partisan forces.
So, uh, why this should be any different, I don't know. In other words, if if. The threshold here is to convince Trump supporters or the neutral onlooker that this is in fact a grave and serious prosecution. Um, I don't think that's, and I don't think it like it will be, um, because what we don't have is any real timeline on this prosecution. Is it something that's going to go on for the entirety of the presidential election? is it going to be concluded before then?
And one can't help but note that we are now in the fundraising season. You know, for uh, for uh, presidential election, primaries haven't started, but in some way, most important, uh, phase of the modern presidential election, when you raise, the billion dollars necessary to run for president is in full force. And I can't imagine this will help Donald Trump raise money for his election. And it will, in fact, I'm sure, dissuade a lot of people from from from donating music, well, the big donors, yeah, sure.
The big donors maybe, yeah, yeah.
You know, I don't know the breakdown on what kind of, how much this is. A. A Trump campaign is a sort of retail, small donor effort. And how much of it is, you know, taking money from people who give you half a million billion, whatever? Um, but, you know, in the on the Republican side, we've been looking at, uh, desantis.
10 $20 million, um, from big people Bigelow out at, uh, many others, uh. Reed Hoffman I believe, um. And I don't think people are going to be making that kind of investment in a indicted candidate. Maybe I'm wrong.
This reminds me, though, of 2016, when remember George, I'm sorry, Jeb Bush. You know, he got $150 million, uh, heading into the primary season, and for that $150 million in donations he had. He got three delegates, and, you know, he never, never crept above. Fairly viable in the polls, uh, and Desantis. For all the money that he's raising and all the exposure that he's getting, he's still down 40 plus points in every major survey that I've seen. Um, I, I I think this kind of stuff redounds to Trump's benefit, I do.
I mean, like, if if it were the the problem with these prosecutions is, is that it? If it were something where the ordinary person could understand the that there was something very morally serious going on. If he was being charged with January Six, for instance, some reason, some kind of involvement in a plot to legitimately forestall, uh, the transfer of power. I think that would give a lot of people pause, or, you know, the Georgia case, depending on how they decide to proceed with that. This, this idea of getting in, getting in the middle of counting votes or trying to intimidate election officials. People can process what that means and why that's important, and why you might want to a presidential candidate. This is going to look like persecution in the middle of a year where the abuse of government power is probably. You know, it's maybe the one of the most important issues in the entire election cycle.
Um, so it was. It was pointed out by, uh, Trump defenders and other Republicans that the same day this, uh indictment is, uh, becomes news. You also have in the Congress, uh, uh, a committee that's taking uh, that, that, that, that that is receiving evidence of Biden corruption and possible bribery by unknown international parties. So, uh, the overlap between those two is at, you know, it's not like it's Eisenhower versus a mobster. Uh, it's, uh, two people who, for various reasons, are thought to be corrupt by those who dislike them. And, um, it's not the contrast between a boy scout and, uh, uh, scurrilous, known scurrilous.
It's it's a competition between two people who whose partisans think, I think, with some reason, that that that each other are are terrible and and and have committed crimes. Almost of a kind of unprecedented boldness, um, and uh. Strangely, though, that the crimes that Biden is at this point being accused for are are are fairly tabloid worthy. As it were, you know, uh, and stand in the great tradition of political corruption. Whereas the retention of documents is a harder thing to get emotionally upset about unless you believe those documents to be of, you know, intense national security relevance.
Well, yeah, and this goes back to the way the story was initially reported when they had the raid at Mar-a-lago. Uh, remember, we cycled through all these different, uh, sort of explanations in the media about why, what might be happening and why they might be doing the raid. There was the whole Trump might be selling nuclear secrets story that was bandied about real seriousness. I mean, we had stories in The Daily Beast, The Rolling Stone, Um, Washington Post, Uh, you know, there were. It was sort of like Alice's restaurant. They had the 28 by seven colored glossy photos with the circles and arrows.
I mean, there were diagrams of all the the things that he might've had. And, um, we had former national security officials who went on TV and and said, Uh, you know, the mishandling of state secrets. They were really implying that that this was not just mere carelessness. But but this was some kind of a a fiendish, uh, intentional decision to maybe share, you know, the these documents with a hostile power. Um, and they cycled through a number of these different versions of the story. Which is why it's important, as you point out, that they're not going to tell us what the documents the seven mishandled that they're charging over.
Um, so, I don't know.
I just again, I, I, I, I'm going to exercise common sense here and tell you that it's hard for me to believe that. Donald Trump, after seven years of prosecutorial hounding over the smallest issue, suddenly was brazen enough to try to retain, uh, incredibly sensitive national security documents. And say, screw you to those who wanted them. Uh, uh, unless he had a kind of death wish. Uh, that probably, and there's no reason to believe he does, um, that probably wouldn't be, um, a plausible uh scenario for his behavior. Um, he's protesting his innocence in the strongest terms, and he's doing it instantly. Which is predictable, but at the same time suggests to me that he genuinely doesn't feel he he's done anything wrong. Um, uh. But the problem is not the case, you know, for anyone who's observing this from more than five feet away. Uh, the problem is that we now have a presidential election, which is basically in the hands of our judiciary, um, and a judiciary run by the opposing party, um. And it would have been one thing if his own party had, for whatever reason, decided to prosecute him. Or if an outgoing president who wasn't running again had that, that would be if he was a Democrat. Of course, a little dubious or a lot dubious, but to have your actual opponent, likely opponent personally.
Uh, and today I saw in the in the News, CNN talking about how, you know, and really, CNN acting on behalf of the administration, talking about how Biden wasn't going to get down in the weeds with this thing. He was going to carry on with some very, uh, sort of sober and boring, uh speeches he's giving. And was going to project calm, and his projection of calm was going to stand in dismay. Deep and stark contrast to the chaos on the Trump side. Um, it was almost as though the CNN story was were being written by the, you know, White House Strategy Office. Here's how to look good in contrast to Donald Trump right now.
Is that unbelievable, though? I mean, the the lines between these cable outlets, and, you know, the White House, are getting blurrier and blurrier all the time. We have. Jen Psaki is one of the lead Uh voices on MSNBC.
I can't tell the difference between Jen Psaki, the news reader, and Jen Psaki, the uh, the White House spokesperson.
I actually think, I think the cable, I think the cable channels that are friendly to the president. A better job of advocating for him than his own people, frankly. Uh, his own press conferences or something of a hapless spectacle, usually. But, uh, they're, they're pretty smooth and polished on the cable channels. And I think they have the best of his defenders. Hired on those, uh, you know, corporate seats versus the, uh, civil servants that get up in the White House. Matt Here's how I really see this thing, you know, to put my cards on the table. The, uh. The disinformation complex, the media control complex, the discourse engineering complex is all in place. And in a sense, it now has its Gulf war.
Um, I think what we're going to see going forward, and, uh, I'm just going to be a kind of, uh, narrative speculator. Here is a lot of conflict around the Trump indictment, some of which is going to grow quite intense. Some of which may involve civil disobedience, um, and might even break out in some kind of violent conflict. The street, you know, street matters, maybe people with their trucks blocking, uh, interstates or whatever, things like that. And all of that is going to take place in the context of, uh, uh, an information control.
Regime of great power and great, uh, flexibility. So just as CNN was said to sort of be made as a station by the Gulf War. I think the new disinformation uh regime will come into play in massaging, directing and guiding the intense conflict that will come of the Trump indict.
And, uh, in other words, here's its test case. We will essentially have January 6th on a national scale, that's my fear, um, and that this will be pushed to critical levels. And all these dials and knobs that they turn, uh, wherever they turn them to try to adjust our conversation are going to be turned passionately and incessantly. And that is the part I don't look forward to. Um, because I think this is now the pretext for a total, uh intervention by the machinery of, uh, censorship, disinformation studies, and, uh, content moderation at the largest level.
Well, right, and this, this, this gets to. There was a story that came out this week by Uh, Lee Fong. Um, who, who sent out a um, you know, a FOIA request and got back. Uh, some pretty shocking information about who funded the election integrity partnership, about which we did, you know, there was a lot of, um, there was a lot of reporting in the Twitter files.
Uh, essentially, um, what Lee finds out is that the election integrity partnership, which is sort of a dry run for, uh, the first, the virality project, which was this sort of cross platform, uh effort at aggregating, uh, quote unquote disinformation about the virus. Um, but then there was a similar effort, having to do with responses to Ukraine war. Um, but the um, but the EIP, uh, was in, uh, at least in part. The the the was funded by, uh, what's called the Democracy Fund, which is funded by Pierre Amityar, who was a huge Biden donor. Um, this went to the Center for Internet Security, and unfortunately, I have a lot of reason to be very familiar with that organization.
Cause I, that's one of the mistakes I made. I screwed up Cis and Cisa if you remember. if you remember in the interview, right? so yeah, acronym gate, so CiS. It turns out it had received money from DHS that year, but also it had a big donation from, Uh, the Democracy Fund, which is Amityar.
And this is where you start getting into, you know, the kind of the weeds of what the problem is with this anti disinformation world. If you start mixing in private money. And with, uh, with these various structures that are doing things like flagging items, you know, for content moderation or deamplification. And it turns out that those those donors have political sympathies in one direction or another. Then what are we talking about here? I mean, we're talking, we're talking about, kind of, it's a it's a new form of information control. Once, once upon a time, there was a reason why. Uh, the candidate that raised the most money almost always won on the one hand, and had to do with the fact that the candidate got more exposure. But there was also this sort of secondary, uh factor, which is that local news stations didn't want to upset their best advertisers.
Um, so they shaded coverage a certain way, uh, when they covered campaigns like they would, they tended to be harsher in the direction of, you know, a Bernie Sanders or Dennis Kucinich. Because they're just not going to get as much money from those folks. Um, so what happens when there's more money flowing in, uh, into this anti disinformation complex from one set of political actors, then from another? Um, that's pretty worrying, I think. It's, you add this, something that has a controversial bent. Uh, like the Trump case, where they can find pretexts for banning people or for dialing them down, right? I mean, with with J Six, they. They use the these tools to get people off the internet to, you know, to remove them from the ability to process credit card transactions.
Uh, this stuff is all, it's all next level, you know?
Listen, the the the private funding of what is essentially informational infrastructure.
Surrounding public events like elections is about is, to me, forbidding and foreboding as as could be. Uh, we saw in the 2020 election. Mark ZuCkerberg Uh, basically, privately funding of of drop ballot drop boxes across the country. Now we also know that Omidyar Um funded to some extent. A, uh, content moderation to, to be, uh, mild about it, or even a censorship, uh machine that operated on behalf of one party. And they did this in conjunction with U. s. government forces, right? I mean, uh, you know, it wasn't just that he donated to the campaign or or created some uh module for the use of the campaign. They interfaced with the actual U S G to do this.
Um, this looks like the creation of a one party state in conjunction with corporate power. Uh, I don't know how else you describe it. um, and uh, you know. Will it cause America to feel more secure in its sense of our democracy? Being an honest project, not at all, it is. It's going to breed cynicism at levels.
You?
I couldn't imagine these projects even occurring before. I mean, these were not, these are not. These are what they call in, you know, math or physics discontinuities. They could not have been expected five, 10 years ago. They're, they're. They're rather sudden developments that, uh, that show a new, uh, a new fusion of power in a new direction that wasn't we couldn't anticipate.
Um, so so, with the Trump story, here's what I expect. Just to be, uh, very specific. If you go off your nut on Twitter as a Trump supporter and say, This is it, I've had it. I don't want to be a part of this country anymore. We need to find a new way. Here comes a civil war, et cetera.
Well, your demerits are piling up pretty fast. Um, the knob turners are watching at every step as anger and the disgust, uh, mount. And, you know, should any of this, uh, emerge as real conflict? You know, somebody pulls out a gun, uh. There is a clash between, uh, antifa and whoever the Patriot front. And then people weigh in on that or start to align themselves around, you know, incidents. We're going to have a mushroom cloud of anti-disinformation warfare. Um, and and I fully expect that's what we're looking at.
I mean, I don't want to be alarmist. If you're hearing this message, you're listening to the Free Version of America this week. To hear the full version, please subscribe at www..racket..news.
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